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Auteur de la note

Arnaud Leveau

Arnaud Leveau

Arnaud Leveau is the president of Asia Centre. He has over 25 years of hands-on experience in the Indo/Asia-Pacific region in industry (Airbus, Danone, Sciaci), government affairs, strategic consulting, and international relations research. He has notably served on numerous occasions as Airbus Group’s sherpa at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore. He holds a PhD in Political Science from the École Normale Supérieure de Lyon, with a focus on South Korean foreign policy. He has worked at several Asian research centres, including the ASEAN Studies Centre at Chulalongkorn University (Thailand), the Centre for Southeast Asian Studies at Kyoto University (Japan), and the Institute for East Asian Studies at Sogang University (South Korea). His research has been supported by the Korea Foundation and the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS). He also served as Deputy Director of the Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia in Bangkok (IRASEC, MEAE – UMIFRE 22). Since 2010, he has been a member of the editorial board of the think tank Asie21 (Futuribles) and took part in the creation of the Asia-Pacific Observatory at the Jean Jaurès Foundation. He is the author of numerous publications on the Korean Peninsula, Thailand, Southeast Asia, and security and defence issues in the Indo-Pacific region. He teaches Asian business environments at Paris Dauphine University PSL (course M212).

Autres analyses

Beyond the Blocs: Asia’s take on the conflict in Ukraine • Arnaud Leveau (PhD)

Asia’s geopolitical positioning on the Ukraine conflict

Beyond the Blocs: Asia’s take on the conflict in Ukraine

By Arnaud Leveau (PhD), President of Asia Centre

The war in Ukraine continues to reshape strategic alignments across Asia. Far from a unified bloc, the region displays a spectrum of postures, from open alignment with Russia to strategic ambiguity and calibrated distancing. Asia’s Take on the Ukraine Conflict : read the analysis by clicking the PDF button.

Countries such as North Korea, Myanmar, and Laos have intensified military or logistical ties with Moscow. Others, including India, Vietnam, and Indonesia, pursue a hedging strategy informed by economic pragmatism, multipolar aspirations, and long-standing defence dependencies. Meanwhile, rule-based actors like Japan, South Korea, and Singapore have expressed support for Ukraine through diplomatic channels and targeted sanctions, albeit with differing levels of engagement.

This diversity of responses reflects structural drivers: concerns over energy and food security, normative ambivalence, and scepticism toward the long-term consistency of Western commitments. It also underscores the role of regional platforms such as ASEAN and BRICS+, which, despite internal diversity, tend to avoid ideological alignment and favour sovereignty-based dialogue and diplomatic flexibility over confrontation. These forums provide alternative avenues for engagement that contrast with the normative framing promoted by the Euro-Atlantic order.

For Europe and for France in particular this evolving landscape calls for a shift from prescriptive diplomacy to differentiated partnerships grounded in mutual interests and strategic credibility. In a world increasingly defined by fluid alliances and transactional pragmatism, Europe’s relevance will rest on its capacity to provide long-term reliability where others offer volatility, and trust where others seek leverage.


La guerre en Ukraine continue de remodeler les équilibres stratégiques en Asie. Loin de constituer un bloc homogène, la région exprime une diversité de postures allant de l’alignement ouvert avec la Russie à l’ambiguïté stratégique, voire à la prise de distance calculée.

Certains pays comme la Corée du Nord, le Myanmar ou le Laos ont renforcé leurs liens militaires ou logistiques avec Moscou. D’autres, tels que l’Inde, le Vietnam ou l’Indonésie, adoptent une stratégie de contournement ou d’équilibrisme, motivée par le pragmatisme économique, la quête d’autonomie stratégique et des dépendances anciennes en matière de défense. Parallèlement, des acteurs respectueux du multilatéralisme comme le Japon, la Corée du Sud ou Singapour ont exprimé leur soutien à l’Ukraine via la diplomatie ou des sanctions ciblées, avec des degrés d’engagement variables.

Cette fragmentation reflète des facteurs structurels profonds : préoccupations énergétiques et alimentaires, ambivalence normative, et scepticisme croissant vis-à-vis de la constance des engagements occidentaux. Elle souligne aussi le rôle croissant de plateformes régionales telles que l’ASEAN ou les BRICS+, qui – malgré leurs divisions internes – privilégient le dialogue souverainiste et la flexibilité diplomatique aux alignements idéologiques. Ces forums offrent des voies alternatives d’engagement, distinctes du cadre normatif euro-atlantique.

Pour l’Europe – et pour la France en particulier – ce paysage mouvant appelle à dépasser la diplomatie prescriptive au profit de partenariats différenciés, fondés sur des intérêts partagés et une crédibilité stratégique. Dans un monde marqué par la fluidité des alliances et le pragmatisme transactionnel, l’atout principal de l’Europe pourrait résider dans sa capacité à offrir de la stabilité là où d’autres suscitent l’incertitude, et de la confiance là où d’autres recherchent l’influence.

 

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